Zimbabwe: Post-Independence History
In 1980, Zimbabwe gained British-supervised independence. After nearly 20 years of fighting with Ian Smith’s Rhodesian guerilla forces, two major nationalist groups emerged from the warfare as the frontrunners for political control of Zimbabwe. Robert Mugabe lead the Zimbabwean African National Union (ZANU) while Joshua Nkomo lead the Zimbabwean African People’s Union (ZAPU). ZANU was comprised of the Shona speaking population — roughly 75% of the country — while ZAPU was largely Sindabele speaking and predominantly in the South. After Mugabe won the presidential election and assumed power, there was brief hope for a politically stable, constructive government. Nkomo received a position in Mugabe’s cabinet, yet almost immediately, Mugabe’s presidency warped into a brutal, opposition-crushing regime. Mugabe successfully quashed ZAPU — killing thousands — and gained control of 98% of the positions in parliament. For almost two decades, until the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change lead by Morgan Tsvangirai, few Zimbabweans voted: there was no use; Mugabe would win regardless of the poll results.
As the political situation in Zimbabwe deteriorated, the economy also collapsed completely. War veterans did not receive their promised compensation, workers went on strike, severe international sanctions were imposed, and inflation reached a startling 500 million percent. Most of the country's minuscule funding was used to support Mugabe’s brutal secret police force, the CIO. Recognizing the need for drastic change, a group of non-government organizations created the National Constitutional Association in 1977. The National Constitutional Association proposed a series constitutional amendments or constitutional override, but Mugabe and his administration immediately formed a group to draft a new constitution granting the president more power. Although the Movement for Democratic Change successfully rejected Mugabe's proposed constitutional changes, he remained in near absolute power.
However, in 2002, the Mugabe administration feared it would lose the upcoming presidential election. Out of fear, “the Mugabe government reacted to this referendum defeat in two ways. First, it enacted a program of fast track land reform, based on seizing farms owned by whites. Second, in the words of Human Rights Watch it 'mobilized violence against the political opposition'” (JSTOR, Dabscheck). Mugabe claimed that this forced control of white farms would return land to the native population and help the shriveled economy thrive; however, nearly all of the farms immediately failed and Zimbabwe’s profit from crop exportation plummeted.
The Mugabe administration banned international journalists, so there is no plethora of new information about the state of day-to-day affairs in Zimbabwe. In 2000, the Daily News’ editorial offices were firebombed and the remaining journalists expelled from the country. Today, political elections remain riddled with corruption and violence; the economy remains in complete shambles, and Mugabe remains in power.
As the political situation in Zimbabwe deteriorated, the economy also collapsed completely. War veterans did not receive their promised compensation, workers went on strike, severe international sanctions were imposed, and inflation reached a startling 500 million percent. Most of the country's minuscule funding was used to support Mugabe’s brutal secret police force, the CIO. Recognizing the need for drastic change, a group of non-government organizations created the National Constitutional Association in 1977. The National Constitutional Association proposed a series constitutional amendments or constitutional override, but Mugabe and his administration immediately formed a group to draft a new constitution granting the president more power. Although the Movement for Democratic Change successfully rejected Mugabe's proposed constitutional changes, he remained in near absolute power.
However, in 2002, the Mugabe administration feared it would lose the upcoming presidential election. Out of fear, “the Mugabe government reacted to this referendum defeat in two ways. First, it enacted a program of fast track land reform, based on seizing farms owned by whites. Second, in the words of Human Rights Watch it 'mobilized violence against the political opposition'” (JSTOR, Dabscheck). Mugabe claimed that this forced control of white farms would return land to the native population and help the shriveled economy thrive; however, nearly all of the farms immediately failed and Zimbabwe’s profit from crop exportation plummeted.
The Mugabe administration banned international journalists, so there is no plethora of new information about the state of day-to-day affairs in Zimbabwe. In 2000, the Daily News’ editorial offices were firebombed and the remaining journalists expelled from the country. Today, political elections remain riddled with corruption and violence; the economy remains in complete shambles, and Mugabe remains in power.